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Although the 1494 Treaty of Tordesillas had granted Portugal
control of Brazils Atlantic bulge, the Iberian kingdom was already struggling to maintain
forts on the African coast and toexploit their new-found route to the East Indies, leaving King
Manuel I few resources to devote to Cabrals discovery. However, the presence of
valuable
dyewood attracted eager Portuguese merchants, who soon obtained royal trade concessions, and
French entrepreneurs who likewise could not resist the temptation to profit from trading for
brazilwood with the Tupinamba Indians of the Brazilian littoral. By the 1550s
both Portuguese
and French ships prowled the coast between the present-day states of Pernambuco and Rio de
Janeiro looking for Tupinamba tribesmen willing to chop and haul the heavy trunks in exchange
for
barter goods.4 Jean de Léry, a
Huguenot taking part in an attempt to establish a French
fort in Rio de Janeiro Bay, wrote (not surprisingly, with brazilwood ink) in detail about the
manpower needed to harvest and transport the dense, heavy wood:
Clearly trade in the valuable dyestuff would not have been possible without the labor,
proffered or forced, of the Tupinamba. Because there were great fortunes to be made supplying
dyewood
to the European textile industry, competition for the loyalty (or bondage) of the native
population caused regular clashes between Portuguese traders and the persistent French
interlopers.
The Portuguese, bent on subduing the native population and
establishing coastal factories for the collection of brazilwood, were forced to look on as the
French, who quickly established friendly relations with the tribes, moved freely in and out of
Tupinamba villages and collected logs with relative ease on ships anchored off the coast. Though
at first the Portuguese explorers described the Brazilians as unspoiled children of nature, this
notion was soon replaced by the conviction that the Tupinamba were unrepentant cannibals
sem fé, sem rei, sem lei (without faith, without king, without law.)6 The French
took another tack. Most contemporary reports describe congenial relations and an active flow of
trading truck between French traders and native Brazilians. Some adventurers
from Normandy,
acting as agents for ship owners, even learned local languages, cohabited with Tupinamba
women,
and (it was whispered) adopted the native lifestyle including ritual cannibalism.7 During
the first decades of European activity along the Brazilian coast the Portuguese may have had
legal
rights to the region, but the French were spending even more time camping along the coast and
negotiating for trimmed and rounded logs. Léry tells of an unwelcome
surprise that
demonstrated to the French loggers the power of their exotic dyestuff; after building campfires of
brazilwood scraps, a sailor of his party decided to wash clothes with soap made from ash and lye:
instead of whitening them, he made them so red that although they were washed and
soaped afterward, there was no means of getting rid of that tincture, so that we had to wear them
that way.8
Not until 1567 were the French finally ousted from Brazil by Mem
de
Sá, the governor general of Brazil, at which time the Portuguese began a three
centuries-long monopoly on the supply of brazilwood. Not long after Portugal had begun its
colonization
efforts in earnest the informal terra do brasil or land of brazilwood
was simplified as Brasil and made the official name of the Portuguese New World
possession. The trans-Atlantic trade in brazilwood climaxed before 1600 and was followed by a
sharp decline due to over-harvesting and the decimation of the native population by disease and
mistreatment. The demand for dyewoods like Nicaragua wood, the source of a less intense and
less durable red dye, and logwood, used as a fixing dye for other colors, also plummeted as
Mexican and Guatemalan cochineal emerged as a less expensive alternative to wood dyes.
Exports of brazilwood in the seventeenth century averaged only 100 tons
annually, even less in
the eighteenth century, and ceased altogether in 1875, by which time synthetic dyes dominated
the
textile industry.9
The trade in brazilwood would not be the last boom and bust in
Brazils tumultuous history, but it was the first and most dramatic frenzy of commercial
activity, drawing merchants, colonists, and missionaries to the jungle-world of tropical South
America. Brazilwood set the stage literally and metaphorically for the drama of
Brazils first uneasy contacts with Europeans and for the exploitation of the
countrys peoples and natural resources. When in 1550 Henry II paid a state visit to
Rouen, the king was presented with an exotic New World pageant: in a meadow bordering on the
Seine a dense forest landscape, inhabited by parrots and monkeys, had been created as a
backdrop
for a mock Brazilian village peopled by fifty Tupinamba tribesmen, recently imported for the
occasion, and two hundred-fifty sailors, merchants, and adventurers, naked but for their black
and
red body paint. The members of this absurd troupe engaged in a mock battle or
sciamachy, they
hunted imaginary prey, frolicked among the trees, and, to ensure the king would recognize the
economic potential of their distant Eden, they hewed brazilwood trees and carried them to the
banks of the Seine.10
1. Alexander Merchant, From
Barier to Slavery: The Economic Relations of Portuguese
and Indians in the Settlement of Brazil, 1500-1580 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1942),
pp. 28-29.
Boxer, C.R. The Portuguese Seaborne Empire, 1415-1825. New York: Knopt, 1969.
Columbia Encyclopedia. 5th ed. (1993), s.v. Brazilwood.
Encyclopedia of Latin American History and Culture. 4th ed. (1983), s.v.
Lumber Industry. By Robert Naylor.
Hemming, John. Red Gold: The Conquest of the Brazilian Indians, 1500-1760.
Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1978.
Léry, Jean de. History of a Voyage to the Land of Brazil. Translated by Janet
Whatley. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990.
Merchant, Alexander. From Barter to Slavery: The Economic Relations of Portuguese
and
Indians in the Settlement of Brazil, 1500-1580. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1942.
Mullaney, Stephen. Strange Things, Gross Terms, Curious Customs: The Rehearsal
of
Cultures in the Late Renaissance. In Representing the English Renaissance, edited
by Stephen Greenblatt. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988.
As for the manner of loading it on the ships,
take note that both because of the hardness of this wood and the consequent difficulty of
cutting
it, and because, there being no horses, donkeys, or other beasts [of burden]
it has
to be
men who do this work: if the foreigners who voyage over there were not helped by the savages,
they could not load even a medium-sized ship in a year.
for some frieze garments, linen
shirts, hats, knives, and other merchandise that they are given, the savages not only cut, saw,
split,
quarter, and rould off the brazilwood.
but also carry it on their bare shoulders, often from
a
league or two away.5
Notes
2. John Hemming, Red
Gold: The Conquest of the Brazilian Indians, 1500-1760
(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1978), p. 8.
3. Columbia Encyclopedia,
5th ed. (1993), s.v. Brazilwood, p. 360.
4. Merchant, pp. 28-29.
5. Jean de Léry,
History of a Voyage to the Land of Brazil, trans. Janet
Whatley (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), p. 101.
6. C.R. Boxer, The
Portuguese Seaborne Empire, 1415-1825 (New York: Knopt,
1969), p. 85.
7. Janet Whatley,
Introduction to History of a Voyage to the Land of
Brazil, p.xix.
8. Léry, p. 101.
9. Encyclopedia of Latin
American History and Culture, 4th ed. (1983), s.v.
Lumber Industry, by Robert Naylor, p. 472.
10. Stephen Mullaney,
Strange Things, Gross Terms, Curious Customs: The
Rehearsal of Cultures in the Late Renaissance, in Representing the English
Renaissance,
ed. Stephen Greenblatt (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988), p. 70-71.
Bibliography
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