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The European discovery and colonization
of Madeira and the Canary Islands would prove fateful precedents
for the new world, because the plantation system and colonial
governments instituted on these islands became models for the
great sugar plantations in the new world.2
Since sugar cane had been
introduced to
Madeira and the Canaries after their colonization during the last
half of the fifteenth century, the techniques of sugar
production, exploitation of labor, and economic organization
developed on these islands were easily exported to the new
world.3
Ultimately, the adoption of
these production techniques and the system of colonial government
from the Atlantic islands, with the institution of slavery, made
sugar production the most profitable cultivation in either the
Americas or Europe.4
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By the middle of the seventeenth century
the Brazilian sugar industry had begun to expand rapidly with
support of capital from the Dutch East India Company, which had
seized Pernambuco from the Portuguese in 1630, and the Dutch
importation of slaves from equatorial Africa.
In 1612 the total
production of sugar in Brazil had reached 14,000 tons, and by the
1640s Pernambuco alone exported more than 24,000 tons of
sugar annually to Amsterdam.9
However, the 1660 the focus of sugar
production began to shift from Brazil to Barbados and other
islands of the West Indies. Unfortunately, this process is not
well understood, primarily due to a lack of documentation.
It has
been suggested that Brazil suffered from economic stagnation
because of higher production costs, decreasing yields and general
trends in investment that negatively affected sugar
production.10 Furthermore, the
expulsion of the Dutch from Pernambuco in 1654 and the subsequent
disruption in trade led the Dutch to focus their capital
investments in the West Indies.
Surviving evidence shows that despite
increases in production, Brazil was not able to keep the sugar
refineries in Amsterdam adequately supplied, forcing the Dutch
refiners to look elsewhere for the product.11 Barbados, which had been
developing the
sugar industry under the leadership of the Englishman John Drax,
proved to be a perfect complement. Drax, who had been a student
of Portuguese and Dutch production methods and organization in
Pernambuco, adapted sugar production to the limited resources of
the islands and proved that, despite their relatively small size,
the West Indies were capable of producing significant amounts of
muscovado, or raw sugar. His adaptations included the
abandonment of the Pernambuco model, which had called for
self-sufficient plantations, as the limited timber resources and
food
production on the islands made such a system impractical.
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Once established on the Caribbean island,
sugar production increased rapidly, with Barbados experiencing an
increase from 7,000 to 12,000 tons produced per year between 1655
and 1700. Even more remarkable is Guadeloupe, which increased its
exports from 2,000 tons in 1674 to 10,000 tons in the early
eighteenth century, with assistance from Martinique.12
Although Brazil remained the largest
exporter of sugar, it was no longer dominant in the face of
Dutch, and later French and English, competition from the
Caribbean. The Dutch, French and English ultimately proved better
able to endure the steadily decreasing prices resulting from the
rapid rise in supply due to the geographical advantages of their
proximity to Europe and the slave trade and their royal support
in the form of official trade monopolies. However, the legacy of
Brazil in the sugar trade remained significant, as the Portuguese
and Dutch pioneered the plantation system from old world examples
and adapted it to the special conditions of the new world. More
importantly, this legacy is evident in the development of
colonial society in the America. The plantation system of Brazil
and the Caribbean, like the hacienda system on the
continent, would endure for centuries as the model for
agricultural production and rural society. The introduction of
slavery would likewise leave a significant, most unfortunate
legacy in the new world. Ultimately, sugar production provided
one of the original means and motivations for European
expansion, colonization and control in the new world,
precipitating a course of events that would forever shape the
destiny of the Western Hemisphere.
Augier, F. R. et al. The Making of the
West Indies. London: Longman Caribbean, 1960.
Aykroyd, W. R. Sweet Malefactor; Sugar, Slavery and Human
Society. London: Heinemann, 1967.
Dunn, Richard S. Sugar and Slaves: The Rise of the Planter
Class in the English West Indies, 1624-1713. New York: W. W.
Norton, 1973.
Edel, Matthew. The Brazilian Sugar Cycle of the
Seventeenth Century and the Rise of the West Indian
Competition. Caribbean Studies, (1969) Vol IX, no.
1, pp. 24-43.
Goslinga, Cornelis Ch. The Dutch in the Caribbean and on
the Wild Coast, 1580-1680. Gainesville: University of Florida
Press, 1971.
Lippmann, Edmund O. von. Historia do Açucar
desde a Época mais remota até o Comêço da
Fabricação do Açucar de Beterraba. Rio de
Janeiro: Instituto de Açucar e do alcool, 1941.
Phillips, William D. and Carla Rahn Phillips. The Worlds of
Christopher Columbus. New York: Cambridge University Press,
1992.
Sheridan, Richard. The Plantation Revolution and the
Industrial Revolution, 1625-1775. Caribbean Studies,
(1969) Vol. IX, no. 3, pp. 5-25.
Watts, David. The West Indies: Patterns of Development,
Culture and Environmental Change since 1492. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1987.
Notes
1. F. R. Augier et
al. The Making of the West Indies, p. 79.
2. William Phillips, Jr. and
Carla Rahn
Phillips. The Worlds of Christopher Columbus, pp. 56-69.
3. Phillips and Phillips, p. 59.
4. F. R. Auger et al, p.
79.
5. Matthew Edel. The
Brazilian
Sugar Cycle of the Seventeenth Century and the Rise of West
Indian Competition. Caribbean Studies, Vol. IX, no.
1., 1969, p. 25.
6. By 1500, the price for
refined sugar
in London had fallen to one quarter of its price in 1400. See
Matthew Edel, p. 26 and E. O. Von Lippmann, História do
Açúcar, 1941.
7. Matthew Edel, p. 27.
8. David Watts. The West
Indies:
Patterns of Development, Culture and Environmental Change since
1492, p. 179.
9. Matthew Edel, p. 27.
10. Matthew Edel, pp. 33-37.
11. Richard Dunn. Sugar
and Slaves:
The Rise of the Planter Class in the English West Indies
1624-1713, p. 60.
12. Matthew Edel, p. 32.
Bibliography
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